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In August 2014, the Sinjar district grew to become the scene of mass executions carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) towards the Yazidi group, an ethnoreligious minority group of whom the realm in northern Iraq is broadly often called their ancestral homeland.[1] Throughout this bloodbath, recognised as a genocide by the UN, ISIS captured 1000’s of girls and women, some as younger as 9.[2] The group engaged in widespread sexual violence towards the Yazidis within the years following. Yazidi girls, previously held by the group as intercourse slaves, describe having endured rape, compelled marriage, and compelled abortion.[3] But the sexual slavery of ISIS has prolonged far past bodily hurt. A 3rd of the enslaved Yazidis stay lacking, and survivors proceed to face obstacles to reconciliation.[4]
Apart from its legacy that demonstrates the significance of listening to the Islamic State’s sexual slavery, the causes of the group’s sexual violence stay poorly understood.[5] Many have merely sought to explain reasonably than perceive the crimes dedicated towards the feminine Yazidis.[6] Furthermore, whereas the media broadly reported that ISIS wielded sexual violence indiscriminately, others have pointed to the systematic means by which feminine Yazidis have been focused.[7] Including to this puzzle is that sexual violence can undermine the credibility of terrorists and their calls for.[8] This begs questions as to why and for what functions ISIS nonetheless engaged in it. As such, this essay asks: To what extent can present theories of conflict-related sexual violence clarify the Islamic State’s sexual enslavement of the Yazidis?
The rest of this essay is organised as follows. First, three theories are outlined which were proposed to elucidate variations in conflict-related sexual violence. Following an outline of the strategies used for this essay, the patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery of the Yazidis shall be analysed utilizing these three theoretical lenses. The essay will subsequent elaborate on the distinctive patterns of sexual violence current within the case of ISIS. Lastly, the conclusion displays on the primary query and proposes a course for additional analysis.
Three Explanations for Battle Associated Sexual Violence
Whereas sexual violence was lengthy assumed to be an inevitable by-effect of battle, UNSCR 1820 marked a paradigm shift. Within the decision, adopted in 2008, the UN for the primary time recognised sexual violence as a “tactic of warfare”.[9] A consensus adopted that sexual violence can and must be prohibited in instances of battle. But sexual violence stays tough to stop, as its incidence varies between and even inside conflicts.[10] Whereas some insurgent organisations have carried out massive and organised campaigns of sexual violence, others have avoided it.[11] Certainly, there have been ample instances the place wartime sexual violence has been fully absent.[12] By now, a number of theoretical explanations have been provided to account for these variations. There are those that purport sexual violence happens, first, as a technique; second, as a possibility; and third, as a follow (Wooden 2014: 462). It’s value noting that this distinction is primarily for analytical functions. Battle-related sexual violence is an inherently complicated phenomenon, and so it’s unlikely that anyone idea can totally clarify the noticed patterns of violence.[13]
The primary rationalization states that terrorist teams make use of sexual violence as a deliberate tactic to terrorise civilians and coerce residents into compliance.[14] Different regularly cited tactical facets of sexual violence are that it could be used to provide a brand new era of fighters by impregnating girls [15] or to generate financial income by partaking in slave commerce.[16] Knowledgeable by UNSCR 1820, sexual violence could based on this rationalization thus be employed as a technique in an try to safe and develop social, ideological and territorial management.
Conversely, the second rationalization assumes that sexual violence happens as a spontaneous act, merely because of the alternative battle facilitates in fostering a local weather of impunity.[17] Based on this rationalization, conflict-related sexual violence transpires within the absence of a deliberate technique however reasonably happens due to particular person motivations;[18] male’s organic sexual wants;[19] or state collapse and the dissolution of authorized programs.[20] Echoing feminist scholar Susan Brownmiller’s notion of conflict-related sexual violence who argued that “warfare gives males with a tacit license to rape”,[21] this rationalization assumes that masculinity generates the incentives for sexual violence to happen — whereas battle facilitates the beneficial situations underneath which these could also be carried out.
This understanding, nevertheless, can’t totally clarify why some combatants have interaction in sexual violence whereas others don’t.[22] The third rationalization holds that conflict-related sexual violence can even happen as a follow. This idea sees conflict-related sexual violence as a product of social interactions and pressures reasonably than particular person motivations or organic precursors.[23] It assumes peacetime gender relations and socio-cultural norms play a big function in using sexual violence by terrorists and conflict-related sexual violence is as such thought-about a social phenomenon.[24] This rationalization asserts that conflict-related sexual violence is neither an adopted technique nor restricted to particular person actions. Opposite to the previous explanations, it attributes a major function to socialisation within the incidence of conflict-related sexual violence.[25]
Strategies
Within the following, the essay first outlines the Islamic State’s patterns of sexual slavery of the Yazidis. Subsequent, it will likely be evaluated to what extent these patterns will be understood via the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence outlined above, of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) follow. To make these theories operational, their observable implications have been decided as follows.
First, if the group’s sexual slavery is strategic, it’s anticipated to be institutionalised and ordered, utilized in pursuit of the group’s political aims.[26] Because of this ISIS employs sexual slavery to extend its ideological and territorial affect;[27] to impose sectarian hierarchies;[28] to generate financial income;[29] or to extend its general variety of fighters.[30] If, nevertheless, ISIS’ sexual slavery can be opportunistic, it’s anticipated to happen indiscriminately and to be carried out for particular person causes reasonably than group aims. An extra implication anticipated on this case is that sexual violence happens along side different sorts of violence towards the focused particular person, reminiscent of looting and killing.[31] Lastly, for ISIS’ sexual slavery to be thought-about a follow, it’s anticipated to happen resulting from social incentives, therefore tolerated reasonably than purposefully carried out as coverage.[32] Sexual slavery could on this case be the result of the group’s social and patriarchal norms and tradition. Moreover, it’s anticipated to create social cohesion among the many group’s members and persists resulting from social stress.
To evaluate these implications, a mixture of secondary and first sources shall be analysed. The consulted secondary sources consist of educational literature and experiences of NGO’s and the UN. These are complemented by interviews and testimonies of former Yazidi captives, a Q&A on sexual slavery ISIS printed in 2015 and, lastly, the fourth and ninth problems with ISIS’ propaganda journal Dabiq, as these comprise articles that debate its sexual enslavement of the Yazidis intimately. Combining these totally different sources will make it attainable to triangulate between sources to extend the credibility of the findings.
Context: The Islamic State’s sexual slavery
As a Salafi-jihadist organisation, ISIS adheres to a extremely patriarchal ideology by which conventional gender relations and -norms take centre stage. Following its genocide towards the Yazidis in August 2014, ISIS took management over the Sinjar area, seized and enslaved roughly 7,000 Yazidi girls and compelled them to transform to Islam.[33] Till 2017, ISIS handled Yazidi girls and women brutally. Former captives have been subjected to each day rape, extreme bodily and emotional abuse, compelled abortion, and compelled marriage.[34] ISIS regulated its slavery via buying and selling markets inside and throughout the Syrian and Iraqi borders.[35] To maintain this trafficking system and to facilitate routine rape, Yazidi girls have been compelled to take contraceptives.[36] Slaves that have been categorised economically most beneficial, for instance younger women, have been gifted to the group’s commanders.[37] Furthermore, regularly, ISIS additionally gifted Yazidi girls to its members as rewards.[38]
ISIS has known as its seize and enslavement of the Yazidis a “firmly established side of the Shari’a”.[39] By publishing a number of paperwork on its enslavement of the Yazidis, ISIS subjected its slavery to varied guidelines derived from Shari’a legislation and the Quran and Hadith. These guidelines decide when it’s lawful to have sexual activity with slaves, present pointers for his or her therapy, and regulate the punishments that apply when slaves misbehave.[40] For instance, ISIS prohibits its fighters to have sexual activity with pregnant girls or to interact in sexual relations with slaves of whom it’s not the unique proprietor.[41] Lastly, it’s value noting that though ISIS avoided enslaving different minorities on the same scale to the Yazidis, the group focused different social teams with different types of sexual violence, reminiscent of rape and compelled marriage.[42] Having outlined this context, this essay proceeds to analyse the extent to which the sexual enslavement of the Yazidis will be defined via the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence talked about above. Mentioned within the following are the lenses of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) follow respectively.
Focusing on the Yazidis: A technique
First, the extent to which ISIS’ sexual slavery was regulated via markets, tariffs and registration websites point out that it was extremely institutionalised.[43] Furthermore, ISIS has described Yazidi girls as “pagans”, “infidels” and “apostates”, whereas contending that they “willingly accepted Islam (…) after their exit from the darkness of shirk [disbelief]”.[44] Together with testimonies from former captives who declare to have been forcibly transformed to Islam, these designations present an try by ISIS to extend its ideological affect.[45] By focusing on the Yazidis individually, ISIS has sought to impose sectarian hierarchies on the collective degree.[46] As such, each the excessive diploma of institutionalisation and the subjugation of Yazidi girls due to their non secular identification counsel a technique.
Nonetheless, the strategic element of ISIS’ sexual slavery is weakened because the group compelled Yazidis to make use of contraceptives to maintain routine rape and trafficking and to bear abortions.[47] This contradicts the notion that sexual slavery could also be employed to extend the general variety of followers.[48] Additional weakening the strategic worth of ISIS’ sexual slavery is that ‘beneficial’ Yazidi slaves have been gifted to the group’s commanders.[49] This means that ISIS regulated its slave commerce primarily to fulfill the sexual wants of its militants in an try to create social cohesion reasonably than to generate financial income. Furthermore, as a result of ISIS already managed the Sinjar space since its genocide in 2014, it’s unlikely that the group engaged in sexual slavery the years after to develop its territorial affect. A ultimate and maybe most vital level that questions the applicability of this idea is that whereas ISIS approves of its sexual slavery, it’s not essentially ordered. This may have been anticipated within the case of this rationalization. Members of the group aren’t obligated to take part in sexual slavery, or are punished in the event that they abstain from doing so.[50]
Focusing on the Yazidis: A chance
Contemplating the extremely institutionalised method by which ISIS organised its sexual slavery described above, it’s unlikely that the group’s fighters engaged in sexual slavery as a spontaneous act. This isn’t to say particular person motivations have performed no function in particular instances of Yazidi enslavement. But, its excessive diploma of management and regulation counsel that the enslavement of the Yazidis initiated and continued resulting from group buildings reasonably than particular person incentives. Furthermore, ISIS’ (2015b) authorized restrictions and guidelines on sexual slavery derived from Shari’a legislation counsel that the victimisation of Yazidi girls was not indiscriminate. Extra usually, the selective focusing on of the Yazidis in itself disputes the indiscriminate nature of the group’s violence.
Though Yazidis have been closely abused when held as slaves, this must be seen as a part of the group’s establishment of slavery reasonably than stemming from spontaneous acts of violence that weren’t explicitly addressed or justified on behalf of the group. For instance, ISIS authorised “darb ta’deeb”, disciplinary beatings, however prohibited “darb al-ta’dheeb”, torture beating.[51] Furthermore, the group constrained its slavery to clear pointers and due to this fact didn’t rape or abuse Yazidi girls exterior this establishment.[52] Such ‘restrictions’ on violence wouldn’t have been anticipated within the case of this rationalization, whereas different crimes apart from sexual slavery towards the focused particular person would.
Focusing on the Yazidis: A follow
Lastly, to look at whether or not the sexual slavery of ISIS will be understood as a follow, it’s key to contemplate the function of social incentives and norms. On this respect, ISIS justified its sexual slavery by invoking its patriarchal gender beliefs, for instance by stating that the enslavement of the Yazidis restored their “honour” and “purity”.[53] Furthermore, as a result of ISIS focused girls belonging to different social teams with different types of sexual violence, notably rape and compelled marriage.[54] This means that ISIS’ sexual slavery will be considered an final result of societal discrimination towards girls extra usually. It’s, due to this fact, doubtless that Yazidi girls have been focused as a product of the group’s hypermasculine and patriarchal ideology.
On this means, the subjugation of the Yazidis instilled a way of gender hierarchy in ISIS fighters.[55] This suggests that ISIS’ sexual slavery will be thought-about a type of social stress, as partaking in sexual slavery could have confirmed the combatants’ masculinity. An extra method by which social pressures among the many group’s members could have performed a job is for non secular causes. ISIS referred to these opposing sexual slavery as “apostatising from Islam”.[56] Lastly, the change of intercourse slaves as items and rewards created social cohesion among the many group’s members.[57] Per this rationalization, these options mixed reveal the significance of social norms, cohesion and stress that has undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery.
Regardless of these similarities, this theoretical rationalization can’t clarify why ISIS avoided enslaving different ethnoreligious minorities thought-about their ideological enemies on a scale much like that of the Yazidis.[58] This may have been anticipated if its impetuses had been societal discrimination, stress or cohesion. Equally, the extremely institutionalised and top-down patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery make the applicability of this theoretical rationalization questionable.[59] Lastly, contradicting the core premise of this rationalization, ISIS explicitly addressed and exalted its sexual slavery. This means that the Yazidis have been subjected to sexual violence not solely as a result of it was tolerated, however as a result of the group thought-about it righteous.
Focusing on the Yazidis: Distinctive patterns
Having linked ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery to those theoretical explanations, it turns into clear that the group’s focusing on of the Yazidis can’t be totally defined by certainly one of these theories. Though the technique and follow theories present partial perception, these too can’t clarify why ISIS explicitly proclaimed its sexual slavery with out explicitly ordering it or, on this sense, merely tolerating it. To higher perceive these patterns, it’s worthwhile to contemplate how ISIS itself perceived the utility of its sexual slavery.
As famous, ISIS put forth a number of limitations and permissions derived from the Shari’a and Quran as to how feminine captives must be handled. Based mostly on these guidelines, it set out the circumstances underneath which sexual activity with slaves is and isn’t permitted. This means that the group sought to restrict its sexual slavery to a particular set of non secular pointers to rationalise its acts. By contending that the Yazidis have been captured on “Allah’s command”, ISIS makes an attempt to justify its sexual slavery not by imposing it as a gaggle — reasonably, it frames it as being religiously authorised.[60] Based mostly on this reconfiguration of Islam, ISIS not solely considers the enslavement of the Yazidis to be in “Allah’s favour”, however even refers to it as being prompted by a “permission of Allah”.[61] This constitutes a transcendental motivation for its sexual slavery, pointing to a particular sample of violence that can’t sufficiently be captured by the examined explanations.
The justifications ISIS affords for its sexual slavery are extraordinarily beneficial for bettering our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence. They supply a uncommon perception into the rationale of a terrorist group that has resorted to sexual violence. That is particularly necessary as a result of assessments of the utility of conflict-related sexual violence are sometimes based mostly on assumptions.[62] The non secular motivations which underpinned the subjugation of the Yazidis aligns with concepts of Revkin and Wooden, who argue that ISIS’ ideology dictated distinct insurance policies of (sexual) violence towards totally different social teams.[63] In gentle of the dominant paradigm of conflict-related sexual violence — by which it’s understood both as a strategic, spontaneous or social phenomenon — the transcendental parts central to ISIS’ sexual slavery counsel that the function of ideological components in condoning conflict-related sexual violence benefit additional exploration.
Conclusion
Within the years following the Sinjar assault on the Yazidi group in 2014, 1000’s of Yazidi girls have been subjected to widespread sexual slavery by ISIS. Within the wake of the group’s affect, a lot stays unknown in regards to the motivations behind the Islamic State’s sexual slavery of the Yazidis. This contribution aspired to make clear these patterns by inspecting the extent to which present theoretical explanations of conflict-related sexual violence can clarify ISIS’ sexual enslavement of the Yazidis.
Three explanations of conflict-related sexual violence have been adopted as a lens, specifically those who purport sexual violence happens as a technique, as a follow and as a possibility. The primary two provided partial solutions. Notably, the excessive diploma of institutionalisation, social pressures and the significance of gender hierarchies that undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery are according to these explanations. Conversely, the explanatory worth of the chance idea was undermined primarily by the group’s selective and methodical focusing on of Yazidi girls. Regardless of the partial solutions that the primary two theories might present, ISIS rationalised its sexual slavery by promulgating it as “Allah’s command” reasonably than a gaggle’s mandate. This factors to a transcendent and distinctive sample of violence insufficiently defined by any of the prevailing theories.[64]
The findings of this essay are exploratory in nature. Nonetheless, the transcendental steerage underpinning ISIS’ patterns of slavery means that to grasp variations in conflict-related sexual violence, the main target mustn’t solely lie on understanding sure tactical, opportunistic and social parts that incite such violence. It additionally requires an appreciation of the group’s rationale that creates the context by which conflict-related sexual violence will be justified. Analyzing the ideological fundaments of terrorist teams that resort to sexual violence could present a beneficial place to begin for additional evaluation.
Notes
[1] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS. LSE Center East Centre Report (2009). Retrieved from: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102617/1/Kaya_yazidis_and_isis_published.pdf, p. 7.
[2] United Nations Human Rights Council. They Got here to Destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis. A/HRC/32/CRP.2 (15 June 2016). Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/Paperwork/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A_HRC_32_CRP.2_en.pdf, p. 3.
[3] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq. London: United Kingdom (2014). Accessible at: https://www.amnesty.org/obtain/Paperwork/MDE140212014ENGLISH.pdf.
[4] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 31, no. 3 (2020): 511-539, p. 512.
[6] Sarah Al Boukhary, “Daesh, or the Islamic State of Ultrapatriarchy: Analysing the Sexual and Gender-Based mostly Violence Manifestations within the Self-Proclaimed Caliphate”, Ladies towards Struggle System, no. 4 (2018), p. 98.
[7] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”, Survival 57, no. 3 (2015): 57-78, p. 58; Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence”, p. 2.
[8] Klaus Schlichte and Ulrich Schneckener, “Armed Teams and the Politics of Legitimacy”, Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (2015): 409-424, 416.
[9] United Nations Safety Council, “Decision 1820: Ladies and Peace and Safety”, S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008). Retrieved from: https://undocs.org/S/RES/1820(2008).
[10] Carlo Koos, “Sexual violence in Armed Conflicts: Analysis Progress and Remaining Gaps”, Third World Quarterly 38, no 9 (2017): 1935-1951; United Nations, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence: Report of the United Nations Secretary-Common”, S/2020/487 (3 June2020). Retrieved from: https://reliefweb.int/websites/reliefweb.int/recordsdata/sources/S_2020_487_E.pdf.
[11] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Variation in Sexual Violence Throughout Struggle”, Politics & Society 34, no. 3 (2006): 307-342, p. 331.
[12] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Armed Teams and Sexual Violence: When is Wartime Rape Uncommon?”, Politics & Society 37, no. 1 (2009): 131-161, p. 132; Dara Kay Cohen, Amelia Hoover Inexperienced, and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, Wartime Sexual Violence. USIP Particular Report. Retrieved from: https://www.usip.org/websites/default/recordsdata/sources/SR323.pdf.
[13] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”, Politics & Society 46, no. 4 (2018): 1-25.
[14] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”; Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence, Aggressive State Constructing, and Islamic State in Iraq and Syria”, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 13, no. 2 (2019): 180-196.
[15] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”, Prism 6, no. 1 (2016): 104-121, p. 110.
[16] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Struggle and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, Agenda 30, no. 3 (2016): 25-38, p. 28.
[17] Jonathan Gottschall, “Explaining Wartime Rape”, Journal of Intercourse Analysis 41, no. 2 (2004): 129-136; Dara Kay Cohen, “Explaining Rape Throughout Civil Struggle: Cross-Nationwide Proof (1980-2009)”, American Political Science Assessment 107, no. 3 (2013): 461-477.
[18] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle”, p. 515.
[19] Jonathan Gottschall, “Explaining Wartime Rape”, p. 122.
[20] Dara Kay Cohen, “Explaining Rape Throughout Civil Struggle”, p. 462.
[21] Susan Brownmiller, Towards Our Will: Males, Ladies and Rape. New York: Simon and Schuster (1975), p. 33.
[22] Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern, Sexual Violence as a Weapon of Struggle? Perceptions, Prescriptions, Issues within the Congo and Past. London: Zed Books Ltd (2013), p. 17.
[23] Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern, Sexual Violence as a Weapon of Struggle?; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle”; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Latest Analysis”, Worldwide Assessment of the Crimson Cross 96, no. 904 (2014): 457-478.
[24] Paul Kirby, “How is Rape a Weapon of wWr? Feminist Worldwide Relations, Modes of Crucial Rationalization and the Examine of Wartime Sexual Violence”, European Journal of Worldwide Relations 19, no. 4 (2013): 797-821.
[25] Nadje Al-Ali, “Sexual violence in Iraq: Challenges for Transnational Feminist Politics”, European Journal of Ladies’s Research 25, no. 1 (2018): 10-27, p. 13; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle”, p. 471.
[26] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Latest Analysis”, p. 470.
[27] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence”, p. 6.
[28] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”.
[29] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Struggle and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique”.
[30] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”.
[31] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Variation in Sexual Violence Throughout Struggle”, p. 332.
[32] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle”; “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Latest Analysis”.
[33] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence, Aggressive State Constructing, and Islamic State in Iraq and Syria”; United Nations Human Rights Council, ““They got here to destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis”.
[34] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq, p. 6.
[35] Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Useless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, Research in Battle & Terrorism (forthcoming), DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2020.1711590, p. 9.
[36] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity”, pp. 522-523.
[37] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Struggle and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, p. 28; Nadia Al-Dayel et al., “Not But Useless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”.
[38] United Nations Human Rights Council, “Report of the Workplace of the United Nations Excessive Commissioner for Human Rights on the Human Rights Scenario in Iraq in Mild of Abuses Dedicated by the So-Known as Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and Related Teams”, A/HRC/28/18 (13 March 2015). Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/Paperwork/HRC_2_18_AUV.doc, p. 9.
[39] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, Dabiq, no. 7 (2014): 14-17, p. 17.
[40] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (2015b). “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”. Retrieved from: https://www.hrw.org/information/2015/09/05/slavery-isis-rules.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices”, p. 3.
[43] Nadia Al-Dayel et al., “Not But Useless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, p. 9.
[44] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 14; Human Rights Watch, “Iraq: ISIS Escapees Describe Systematic Rape, Yezidi Survivors in Want of Pressing Care” (2015). Retrieved from: https://www.hrw.org/information/2015/04/14/iraq-isis-escapees-describe-systematic-rape; the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[45] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq, p. 9.
[46] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” p. 516; Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”, p. 59.
[47] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” p. 522-523; United Nations Human Rights Council. They Got here to Destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis, p. 15.
[48] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”.
[49] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Struggle and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, p. 28; Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Useless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, p. 13.
[50] Sarah Al Boukhary, “Daesh, or the Islamic State of Ultrapatriarchy: Analysing the Sexual and Gender-Based mostly Violence Manifestations within the Self-Proclaimed Caliphate”, p. 79.
[51] Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[52] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 5.
[53] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, Dabiq 9 (2015): 44-49, p. 48.
[54] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 6.
[55] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS, p. 11.
[56] The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 17.
[57] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS, p. 11.
[58] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 4.
[59] Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Useless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”.
[60] The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[61] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, p. 47; the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 17.
[62] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Follow of Struggle: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”, p. 3.
[63] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 3.
[64] Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, p. 48.
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